November 7, 2008, 1st Anniversary of Death of Democracy in Georgia

Still many issues one year on have not been answered. The phenomenon of mass media repression is obviously an unhealthy manifestation, and a symptom of a much greater societal malaise. The process, by which the so-called democratically elected government of Georgia itself controls and manipulates mass media in Georgia, deserves far greater attention.

Take for example, even now how the government is somehow behind or turns a blind eye to the take over of IMEDI TV by those that may not have a legal right in terms of the estate of Badri Patrakatchishvili raises even further suspicion as to the death of democracy in Georgia, not to mention the semblance of the rule of law.

It is not just TV – those newspapers that are allowed to operate do so under duress – one comment too far and they fear that a similar fate may await them as what has happened to other media outlets.

Georgia – a country that was once up as a democratic beacon of democracy for other former Soviet Satellites has now resorted to the crude tactics of the third world – yet another questionably elected president who appeared determined to use any means, including an unnecessary war to cling on to his evaporation hold on power and an extended holiday with the Western media.

What has gone wrong?

Has the simmering feud with Russia caused the leadership to lose tough with reality, and when it finally boil over with the events of August 2008 in open warfare with South Ossetia and the Russian Federation. Under such conditions civil society and the media will be even further restricted in their fundamental rights.

One year ago several television stations, including Imedi TV and Kavkasia, opted for full and fair coverage of the events leading up to November 7, which resulted in coverage of nearly 6 days and nights of occupying the steps of the Georgian Parliament.  However, soon both stations were pulled off the air; only Georgian Public Broadcasting was allowed to continue during a declared state of emergency.

The press was operating up to this point as it should in a democracy. In order for democracy to work it is absolutely essential to have an active, dynamic media that is not cowed into submission in the face of political threats and violence from governmental authorities.

The present system of dissemination of information to the public more closely resembles an Orwellian state, where misinformation and sound bytes are standard, where misinformation and disinformation are deliberately broadcasted, in the form of “Newspeak” language, which has been stripped bare of any political content.

With the benefit of hindsight, the fundamental question that should have been asked in the last 12 months, is how to compel the current administration to admit to what actually happened in the build up of the enforcement arm of the state in the last few years: the police, the military, special operations forces and intelligence services, in light of how they were used against the media and Georgian citizens, including members of the media.

Concurrent with the crackdown on basic freedoms that started one year ago was the equivalent of an internal governmental coup d’etat. It now it appears in retrospect that that the Ministry of Internal Affairs and its closely knitted networks of patronage, including mafia structures, have since gained control some decision making components of the Georgian government, and this has had severe consequences on freedoms and the direction that the country is heading. 
Much has happened as a result of Russian networks of influence in the last year (in politics, business circles, military spheres as well as special services), which may have directly impacted the outcome of the war with Russian that started on August 7th.

Such TV stations as SakarTVelo has become a point of focus for the flow and release of military/police information that was used effectively in the run-up to the war, and even one year ago during the period when there was a time of “national emergency” when martial law was effectively in force.

It is clear that the funds lavished on the military/police/special services for the better part of the last five years have not always had Georgia’s and its citizens best interest in mind, during a time when attention should have been used to refine hard won democracy. Instead the time has been effectively used to abridge press freedoms, basic human rights, and to speak out under times of perceived tyranny and abuse of power.

The result in the last year has demonstrated to what extend the media is used to consolidate power and wealth of special interests. The diversity of special interests, hired (planted stories, stages media events, such as the Khurcha incident on the day of Parliamentary Election Day, stand-down with Russian officers on the border, prior to the presidential elections and so-called special operations), raises even more doubts as to the future of Georgia as an independent country in light of the tough neighborhood.

The current balance of freedoms and media interests is not as it once was, prior to November 7, 2007. and against the backdrop of on-going political considerations, and fundamental  contradictions – these continue to be a legitimate fear that anyone who published or broadcast anything that is too pro-democratic (or anti-governmental) may finding him or herself labeled as a enemy of the state or as an instrument of some foreign power.

It is not economic prosperity but peace that guarantees press freedom. That is the main lesson to be drawn from the world press freedom index that Reporters Without Borders compiles every year and from the 2008 edition that was recently released on October 21.

Another conclusion from the index - in which the bottom three rungs are again occupied by the “infernal trio” of Turkmenistan (171st), North Korea (172nd) and Eritrea (173rd), and in this index Georgia, fell sharply by 54 positions. In the new ranking that includes 173 countries, Georgia is now in the 120th position with 31.25 points.

In the press freedom index published in October 2007 Georgia was occupying the 66th place, in 2006 it was in the 89th position, in 2005 it was 99th, in 2004 the country occupied 94th place, in 2003 it was in the 73rd position.

Reporters Without Borders notes: “the most significant development in the former Soviet periphery is the deterioration in the Caucasus, where two of its three independent countries - Armenia (102nd) and Georgia (120th) - had major problems and introduced states of emergency. Several journalists fell victim to the sudden outbreak of war in Georgia”.

“The post-9/11 world is now clearly drawn,” the report reads. “Destabilized and on the defensive, the leading democracies are gradually eroding the space for freedoms.”

Dictatorships arrogantly proclaim their authoritarianism, exploiting the international community’s divisions and the ravages of the wars carried out in the name of the fight against terrorism, or in the case of Georgia, as reported in Western media outlets, the GoG going on a killing spree and targeting its own citizens in South Ossetia, as reported in the Guardian, a UK based newspaper.

Two aspects stand out in the index, which covers the 12 months to 1 September 2008. One is Europe’s preeminence. Aside from New Zealand and Canada, the first 20 positions are held by European countries. The other is the very respectable ranking achieved by certain Central American and Caribbean countries. Jamaica and Costa Rica are in 21st and 22nd positions, rubbing shoulders with Hungary (23rd).

The war with Russia that broke out with August over South Ossetia dropped Georgia to (120th) and Niger, which fell sharply (for comparison) from 95th in 2007 to 130th this year. Although both have democratic political systems, these countries are embroiled in low or high intensity conflicts and their citizens and journalists are exposed to many dangers.

Facing such dangers has been demonstrated many times since November 7th 2007, and Georgian police and officials not only attacked citizens but foreign journalists as well.  Police acting on orders from above have frequently used excessive force against protestors and human rights activists, and even those that are in no way involved. As reported by a foreign freelance who was personally beaten on November 7th, police even dragged people out from shops that were in no way involved with the mass protests in Tbilisi one year ago.  And even Sozar Subair, the Georgian Ombudsman was beaten.

It is clear that the GoG is willing to deny even the most basic of freedoms to its citizens and deny full-rights to the so-called free media. The terrible events in the last year, starting with November 7, 2007 have clearly demonstrated that out of “utter desperation” that the top leadership and its well-funded power structures have even started an unsuccessful war that was most likely created to divert attention from the lack of freedom in the country … and the justification for the “defensive action” was especially ironic, as it was claimed that the GoG wanted to “restore constitutional order” over South Ossetian – constitutional order is something that has been proved in the last 12 months to not even exist for the rest of Georgia.

One source for this article shared on November 4th the following, my boyfriend told me that the army was dispatched by night train from Batumi to Tbilisi, and this probably related to November 7.